Tag Archives: 1934

Red Fascism (1934) – Pogrom (1934) – Letter from Russia (1930)

WORKER MAGNITOGORSK

Voline (1934)

Red Fascism

I’ve just been reading an extract from a letter from our valiant comrade A[lfonso] Petrini [1] who is in the USSR, under banishment. There I came upon the following lines: “(…) They’re locking us all up, one by one. Real revolutionaries may not enjoy freedom in Russia. Freedom of the press and freedom of speech have been wiped out, so there is no difference between Stalin and Mussolini.”
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Émile Armand (21 texts)

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Is the Illegalist Anarchist our Comrade?

Émile Armand (1911)

(Notes: From “L’Illégalist anarchiste, est-il notre camarade?” Paris and Orleans, Editions de “l’en-dehors.” [n.d].Translated for marxists.org by Mitchell Abidor.)

 

When we consider the thief as such we can’t say that we find him less human than other classes of society. The members of the great criminal gangs have mutual relations that are strongly marked with communism. If they represent a survival from a prior age, we can also consider them as the precursors of a better age in the future. In all cities they know where to address themselves so they’ll be received and hidden. Up to a certain point they show themselves to be generous and prodigal towards those of their milieu. If they consider the rich as their natural enemies, as a legitimate prey — a point of view quite difficult to contradict — a large number of them are animated by the sprit of Robin Hood; when it comes to the poor many thieves show themselves to have a good heart.

(Edward Carpenter: Civilization, its Cause and Cure.)

I am not an enthusiast of illegalism. I am an alegal. Illegalism is a dangerous last resort for he who engages in it, even temporarily, a last resort that should neither be preached nor advocated. But the question I propose to study is not that of asking whether or not an illegal trade is perilous or not, but if the anarchist who earns his daily bread by resorting to trades condemned by the police and tribunals is right or wrong to expect that an anarchist who accepts working for a boss treat him as a comrade, a comrade whose point of view we defend in broad daylight and who we don’t deny when he falls into the grips of the police or the decisions of judges. (Unless he asks us to remain silent about his case)
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Can we break walls with dialectics? (1.)

jozsef_attila_gyermek

The history of the Hungarian workers’ movement after the “II. World War” has been committed to paper almost exclusively by Bolshevik-social democratic Marxists, therefore they regarded all the major manifestations of the class movement as successes of their own party line, while usually they were writing disdainfully about the more radically leftist groups and – beyond leftism – the anti-democratic anarchist-communist groups and phenomena, and called them traitors. But there had been some militants about whom the party-historians had to speak, because, for instance, their activity in the workers’ movement had become inseparable from their literary activity, so it was impossible to remain silent about them.
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“Chile Patria Asesina”

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Publicación

“… Entonces lo que hizo Portales fue organizar y costear ‘de su platita’ un ejército mercenario y dio un golpe de Estado y con ese ejército con- struyen un Estado ‘a su pinta’, un Estado con un ejército privativo de esa oligarquía y que gobierna desde 1833 hasta 1925. Este Ejército además actuaba como policía interna debido a la incapacidad de la otra policía para con- trolar a las masas marginales y como ejército externo. Y el único método para establecer el orden fue ‘matar rotos’… El ejército chileno ha combatido más hacia adentro que hacia afuera. Comenzó combatiendo a los Mapuche en la frontera, primero, y luego durante todo el siglo XIX y XX yo he contado 23 masacres y todas contra la clase popular”

Gabriel Salazar

SIGLO XIX: CHILE, PAIS EN GUERRA

shile 300x225 Chile, 200 años de una patria asesinaEl estado chileno habría sido constructor de la sociedad, a través de la guerra. Históricamente se procedió por medio de las armas, se incorporó la violencia como tradición institucional que ha constituido una memoria cultural para resolver nuestros conflictos. Se comprende entonces el lema del Escudo Nacional “por la razón o la fuerza”.

La memoria social chilena fue modelada en la violencia. Si se analiza la forma en que se han resuelto los problemas y las contradicciones sociales tanto en el plano institucional como en el plano político y social, la solución ha sido militar en todos los casos, sin excepción. La sociedad chilena, ha estado marcada por el ejercicio de una violencia, que a veces ha sido militar y a veces de otro tipo.
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L’idolâtrie ouvrière

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Par Camillo Berneri (1934)

En lisant le livre de Carlo Roselli, Socialisme libéral (Paris, 1930) je relève ce passage « juger la masse avec pessimisme implique un jugement pessimiste de l’homme, la masse n’étant autre chose que l’ensemble d’individualités concrètes. Du moment qu’on déclare la masse incapable de saisir, ne serait-ce que d’une façon grossière et primitive, la valeur de la lutte pour la liberté, on déclare aussi que l’homme est fermé à tout instinct qui n’est pas purement utilitaire.
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Red Fascism

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Voline

I’ve just been reading an extract from a letter from our valiant comrade A[lfonso] Petrini [1] who is in the USSR, under banishment. There I came upon the following lines: “(…) They’re locking us all up, one by one. Real revolutionaries may not enjoy freedom in Russia. Freedom of the press and freedom of speech have been wiped out, so there is no difference between Stalin and Mussolini.
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Against the Racist Delirium

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Camillo Berneri

THE RACIST DELIRIUM

Fascism, the triumph of the irrational, has taken the most discredited myths of pre-scientific ethnology to its bosom. One of the theorists of Hitlerism (assuming that it can be regarded as a body of doctrine), Ernest Krieck, in his book National Political Education (page 17), proclaims the need to subject science to National Socialist politics, thereby giving science the kiss of death.
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