Τranslated by Act for freedom now!

“We do not fight fascism alongside the government, but in spite of the government. We know that no government truly wishes for fascism to be crushed, because the bourgeoisie is forced to resort to it every time they see power slipping from their hands”.

Buenaventura Durruti

Spanish anarchist, member of the anarcho-syndicalist labour confederation (CNT), took part in the Los Solidarios (The Solidarists) armed organization, member of the Anarchist Federation of Iberia (FAI), organizer of the attempt to execute the Spanish king. He took part in the armed uprising of 1933, founder of the homonymous order that after the repression of Franco’s coup in Barcelona, freed Catalonia and most part of Aragon, establishing libertarian communism. He was killed in November 1936 in Madrid during the siege of the city by Franco’s fascists.

The Fighting Lay Revolutionary Forces take responsibility for the political execution of the fascists, members of the Golden Dawn neonazi party, that were guarding the offices of Athens’ North sector, in Neo Iraklio. The attack was carried out in retaliation for the murder of Paulos Fyssas in Keratsini by the Golden Dawn member Roupakias and other scum-members of the neonazi party. The attack is also dedicated to the dispossessed proletariat from Africa and Asia, every immigrant who is being reviled, who is a constant target of racism in order to make up the cheap labor force. Fyssas’ murder is a turning point, as it was the highlight of Golden Dawn’s murderous campaign, who for the last two years, especially after their entrance into the bourgeois parliament, have systematically indulged in the murder and beating of immigrant workers, beatings and acts of violence against Leftists and Anti-authoritarians, and all of them under full cover of the “democratic” police.

The armed response-attack at the offices in N. Iraklio is the starting point of a lay campaign to send the neonazi scum of Golden Dawn into the dustbin of history where they belong.  Offspring of Ephialtes, Pilios Gousis and Nenekos, offspring of the German-Tsoliades(1) of the occupation, of the Xites,2 of the battalion-officers and the collaborationists, they will be exterminated and send to the new Meligalas-like wells and no “democratic” police will be able to protect them. The fighters of the Militant Popular Revolutionary Forces carried out the attack despite the fact that Golden Dawn’s offices in N. Iraklio are in close proximity to the police station of the area, since, for protection, Golden Dawn’s boastful cowards seek to be near the armed dogs of the regime, the police, who cooperate with them. Besides this, their central offices in Mesogion, are across the street from the police academy in Chorofylakis park.

The choice to attack the deputies’ expendables and not the members of the parliament themselves, is the following: During the apparent “dismantling” of Golden Dawn there was a partial unveiling of who the Golden Dawn members are. Now that everybody knows, the era of their exculpation is over. Now anyone who approaches them is jointly responsible. The choice of anyone to become one of their fellow travelers and stand beside them or in their offices, let it bring the consequences of the identity that characterizes them. From now on if anyone exercises violence against immigrants, against leftists or anarchists, if any racist incident happens again, the responsibility will fall exclusively on Golden Dawn even if they move inside the police stations. Those who approach them won’t have customer relationships as an alibi, they are nazis, they have the oath of the Xites, they are praising the junta and we will treat them as enemies of the people. The “misguided” voters, the lumpen conservatives with a bourgeois morality, have no alibi anymore. The same goes for the business circles that support their “charities”. They all have their fingerprints on the murder knifes. The same fate also goes for the Greek police, not just because 50% of the security forces vote for Golden Dawn, but because jointly and continuously they cooperate with Golden Dawn as consubstantial fascists-protectors and dogs of capital. The 9 millimetre bullets were an order from their elected representative Mihos, who had stated “only with bullets will they stop us”.

The undisguised murder of Paulos Fissas is the blood that made the glass spill over. Within the economic conjuncture it echoes as the beginning of the class civil war. The informal invisible civil war that was conducted with mild intensity, entered the public sphere undisguisedly. Golden Dawn bears the responsibility for that and specifically the hiti squads of Nikea. The shock caused by G.D. s political decision to commit the murder by the hand of Roupakias, was followed by the awe of their apparent dismantling.

Every thinking human being watching the process of their “dismantling”- and their lateral reinstatement in the future-, can realize that nothing ended, on the contrary, it is all starting now.

The course of events would have been very different if the murderer Roupakias had not been arrested. If, as has happened in so many other murder cases or immigrant beatings, the perpetrators had remained in the dark. But, as if by bad luck, the murderer Roupakias was arrested, and from the start he didn’t hesitate to state his political identity, that he is a member of Golden Dawn, hoping obviously, at a cover up from the police itself, but also from the government as has happened before in so many cases of beatings, stabbings, murder of immigrants and acts of violence. The covering of murderers by the police was confirmed by Fyssas’ partner who was on the spot during the coldblooded murder and was constantly asking for help from the cops that were there. Their undisguised indifference towards the threats of Fyssas’ friend that “they will kill him”, their cold indifference after the murderous attack, show their admirable cooperation with the fascists. The policewoman that made the arrest saying “not with knifes you guys”, was maybe out of the murderous plan and all she knew was that there was going to be a beating, to which she consented as has been done countless times in fascists’ attacks. What happened to the investigation about the stance of the particular Dias response team? Why did Dendias refute the eyewitnesses’ statements that only one policewoman made the arrest and the rest of them did absolutely nothing, and stated that “all police officers that were there made the arrest”? Dendias knows that there was consultation between police and fascists for the murderous attack, but he covered them up so that the cops – and by extension he himself politically – don’t get charged for the murder. The whole world understood that.

The strike by the government against the fascist “construct” contributed to the decompression of the social rage, contributed to the exploitation and assimilation of the antifascist movement and to the lewdness/aselgo of the fallen Paulos Fyssas. Also, to the effort to seize the people’s support for their own benefit. So the political masterminds took to social demagogy, to the conversion of the event into a wonderful opportunity for election canvassing of the right block, a result of the competition in the authoritarian camp of anti-revolution. For the flamboyant war announcement through the theory of two opposing extremes, the determination and will of the bourgeois political world for an unrelenting war against the insubordinate proletariat. A war that will ensure social peace, the requisite political normalcy for the amenity of development investments.

Historical teaching points out that fascism is not smashed in parliament with laws, that fascism is always smashed in battle in the streets. That the bourgeois democracy has never fought fascism and has always wanted to control it. That fascism is just the raw form of capitalism. That the fascists, despite their ambitions, were never as autonomised as they would have wanted.

Golden Dawn’s fascists were always New Democracy’s parallel fellow travelers and political competitors. With common political origins, they marched with authoritarian competition and common contracts. Fascists have always been professional liars, the greatest political chameleons. As many shirts as they might change they should not be beautified in anyone’s eyes. The Golden Dawn’s fascists as unrepentant Xites, collaborationists during the occupation, the stabbers of today, should not be imprisoned, they should be executed. In every neighbourhood, at every place, the antifascists, without assigning and granting space to the state, without resorting only to counter-information or complaints in the illusion that they are applying political pressure, must act for themselves with small independent, flexible forces, literally smash the fascists. To get combatively involved, to discover methods, stages and tactics with familiar means, with whatever is necessary, whatever is requisite and whatever is required. In Greece, without missing the anti-authoritarian fight, the subversive movement must proceed to the physical destruction of Golden Dawn’s physical infrastructure and coordinatedly attack its individuals. The whole of the hierarchy, leaders, cell-leaders, members, soldiers and centaurs. To open their heads with the hummer, to cut their hand with the sickle, as an example.

Class memory: the springboard of social revolution

In September of 2013 the polls of fabricated questions and predefined answers show Golden Dawn are in a steady rise to holding third place. The television dialogue conveys the processes and heralds a possible collaboration for government coalition of Golden Dawn with N.D.

But Golden Dawn even if they wanted, can not be “serious”. It carries the spoils of traditional militaristic fascism in her DNA, unchanged. For them, violence is not an instrumental means, but an end in itself. Golden Dawn seeing its “antisystemic” influence rising, feels bold and is choosing to change field. In the beginning of September in Perama they attacked the PAME’s trade unionists for fulfilling their contract with their shipowners. The police keep a look out, nothing strange when 50% are their voters, and as was later proved, also their members. The very next day members of Golden Dawn get hired in labour posts in the shipbuilding zone. A few days later the attack in Perama looks like the foreshadowing of a militaristic show in a field that is purely theirs – the tomb of their political ancestors and collaborators of the SS. All the scum of the fascist state and para-state is at the Meligalas well(3). (A great opportunity for the well to fill up again). The domestic dog, now rabid from the excitement, bites the hand of it’s master. Bullies, like-minded royalists and juntists, offsprings of battalion-officers and voters of N.D. and L.A.O.S. There is no longer any visible reason for not unveiling their political tactics, for not openly slaughtering any political opponent or racial enemy.

Lately, especially since Golden Dawn entered the bourgeois parliament in the 2012 elections, the incidents of racial violence from its members has increased dramatically. The beatings and stabbings increased and all these also accompanied by acts of robbery against poor immigrant workers. In many cases they appeared as policemen to check for papers and license permits of immigrants. In some cases they operated replacing the police, with the police’s tolerance, checking the licenses of immigrant street vendors, like in Rafina last summer where they destroyed immigrant vendor’s tables or checked for possible uninsured labor, like at Kalamata’s hospital looking for foreign workers.

The main incidents of their “patriotic”, “greek-soul” action over the last year: Beating of an Egyptian in Piraeus on 3 of January 2013 by 3 that were wearing G.D.’s insignia. Incursion on 25 January of 7 fascists with hammers, truncheons and knifes in the house of a Pakistani in Peristeri where they removed a laptop, a mobile phone and 40 euros. Attack in Ierapetra in Crete on 14 February by 7 members of G.D. against 3 Pakistanis. Murder of Pakistani Shehzad Lupman in Petralona while he was going to work. Attack by 6 fascists on 31 March against 3 immigrants in Athens. On 10 May in Chania neo-nazis set fire to a Roma’s House -Kasidiaris has called Romas human garbage. On 12 of May again in Chania, 3 Moroccans get beaten at the old harbour. On 13th of May in Athens a 15 year old Afghan boy gets attacked by neo-nazis who cut his face with a broken bottle. On 25 of May in Thessaloniki an immigrant from Rwanda gets stabbed by 2 people riding a motorbike while on the same day an Iraqi gets attacked by a group of fascists in A.U.Th.

On 1 June [2013] in Pagkrati 2 people get on bus 732 and start hitting immigrants from Africa shouting “Molon Lave”4. In Egaleo on 2 June a group of 12-13 fascists carry out attacks on immigrants’ houses. On 12 July 4 Pakistanis received a “visit” of 4 people presenting themselves as police officers and when the Pakistanis started complaining because they had legal documents, the intruders started hitting them shouting that they were Golden Dawn members. The same happened in Tauros on 21 July when 6 people pretending to be police officers invaded in an immigrants’ house to check their papers and subsequently started hitting them and shouting that they are Golden Dawn members, while stealing from them wallets, papers, work permits, even household appliances. In many cases police tried to prevent immigrants from pressing charges, in other cases they arrested the immigrants who didn’t have permit licenses to cover up the fascists. In 2012 there were 154 incidents of racist violence from Golden Dawn members and other fascists. We do not forget the vicious beating of Egyptian workers at the fish auctions market in Keratsini. Also, the pogrom and the assassination of an immigrant in K. Patisia in 2011 after the murder of Kantaris by an Afghan. For the scums of G.D. the immigrants are collectively responsible for criminality. Of course, nowhere in the world does criminality have a racial identity, it feeds from capitalism, it is its result, a result of the alienated consciousness and poverty. Without underestimating that few immigrants have been involved in crimes, the racist scums of G.D. turn a blind eye to crimes of Greeks, like the case of the murderer of Xanthi who murdered a young woman and was once convicted of rape or the case of the “big Greek” from Rethimno who, taking advantage of the fact that he was a coach, molested young boys in the stadium. They did not omit to stand by the father and son who together with a friend of theirs, had kidnapped an Egyptian worker that worked in their bakery in Salamina because he asked for his wages. They tied him up, they tortured him for hours and did not omit sodomizing him with some object. That’s the “patriotic” act of G.D.’s scum and that’s why the 2 “innocent victims” of N. Iraklio “knew nothing” like one’s parent said. “He was not a fascist”!! The “kid” didn’t know to what kind of organization he belonged. In the area of the north sector of Athens, where the “innocent” victims, the “greeksouls” of G.D. had attacked among others, in Metamorfosi, the barber shop of a Pakistani immigrant, they stabbed him, stabbed the Greek customer and set fire to the shop. In another case they stabbed a Pakistani near the FAGE plant, also in Metamorfosi and they also attacked immigrants in Likobrisi. Nothing of these “innocent” victims of N. Iraklio “knew”! For someone to belong to such a criminal organization as G.D. he is automatically an accomplice, if not a perpetrator himself.

Suddenly, after the murder of Fyssas all of the mass media, the government, “justice”, PASOK,  “discovered” the murderous action of Golden Dawn. Suddenly, those who had been courting them for years, those who have used them as a backup force on many occasions, like the police did during the N.D. government as well as PASOK government, now suddenly declare “war to fascism and neonazis”. Those that in May of 2010 with the voting in of the Memorandum implement a policy of totalitarianism for the benefit of the country’s lenders, robbing the people, abolishing the old conquests of the labor movement, abolishing the right to strike, releasing the dogs of the police, the riot police, the D.I.A.S, the D.E.L.T.A. on protesters, turning even their own bourgeois parliament into a lenders’ puppet, those whose policy would be envied by Hitler and Mussolini, but also the native fascists like Metaxas and the colonels, are now hypocritically declaring “war on fascism”.

But modern Greek history has proven that the existence of para-state mechanisms and the admirable cooperation with the regime and police is a deterministic event. From the Xites and battalion-officers of the occupation, the Magganasses and Sourlisses, Papadogonas, all these who murdered communists and fighters of the National Resistance in front of the constabulary’s eyes but also in cooperation with the constabulary, the Maysses of the civil war that raped and beheaded dead rebels, to the murderers of Lamprakis and, coming to our times, to E.P.E.N. and Boridis with the axe in 1985 at the school of chemistry, the New Democracy’s Centaurs and Rangers and the murderers of Temponeras, Kalampokas, Spinos and Maragos in 1991 to the Golden Dawn ripper murderers like Roupakias, the state and especially the police always supported scum like them since it used them as backups against the “internal” enemy. Simply, the work of Michaloliakos, of the greek CIA, was always in arranged service with the occult state.

Cops and fascists are the domestic dogs of capital. Parliamentary bourgeois democracy and fascism are two sides of the same coin, different forms of enforcement of the capitalist system. State and capital generate fascism, as an old anarchist slogan in Greece says. That’s what every historical reduction demonstrates from the era between the wars to the ruins that WWII left behind, every historical analysis from Hitler’s nazism, Mussolini’s fascism in Italy, Franco’s fascism in Spain and also the long special history of fascism in Greece. That’s why the revolutionary approach to history is an important legacy for the revolutionary movement.

Class memory is a weapon in the hands of social strata. It’s the legacy that sneers the historical counterfeiting, the tool that doesn’t allow the fallacy, the misleading dilemmas, the ideological propaganda to infiltrate the lower layers. How could it, since the people are subjected to the suffering of financial draining and state oppression. Class memory is not the memory of a goldfish in the television bowl that eats everything they serve it, that reproduces the rhetoric of power. Class memory is what teaches us that capitalism used, whenever it saw fit to carry through its appetites, sometimes democracy and sometimes fascism. Class memory informs us that whenever the fascists were hit “within the democratic framework”, they were soon reinstated. From the nazis in the after war Federal Democracy of Germany to Greece, from the bully Gkontzamanis to the junta’s chief torturer, Mallios, the authorities of the time provided not only immunity but also offices in state positions.

On the other hand, we should also point out the theoretical swamp of those who possess the class memory, but constantly abstain from the war of the classes. Often historical knowledge is turned into an anchor. Those that resist turn the class memory into a historic sinker, they talk about sailing in the past yesterday, without processing the updating of the struggle to today. The opportunistic left, and not only it, brags in lectures, in academic historiographies but, when it comes to it, reemains attached to lifeless complaints. Theory without practice is meaningless. Class consciousness exists, it gets the status that befits it, incarnates in self-acting, in accessory and active involvement, in etching the subversive plan on paper until the acting of it’s practical application. In any other case you stoically watch them slaughtering you.

If it has to be said again, so be it. Cops and fascists are the domestic dogs of capital. Parliamentary bourgeois democracy and fascism are two sides of the same coin – the capitalist system.

Fascists either as nazis or as nationalsocialists or as Greek nationalists have never been short in Greece. From Metaxa’s dictatorship of August the 4th, the partners of nazis, the Xites, the German-Tsoliades and the collaborators during the occupation and the national-liberating resistance of E.A.M.-EL.A.S, from the American napalm for the suppression of Democratic Army’s saga, the firing squad, the persecutions and the deserted islets, to the Gkontzamanises that enjoyed immunity before the seven years of the colonels and that took office during the seven years, from the harboring of junta’s “droplets” after the “changing of the guard” of the regime and going towards the political changeover, from EPEN to the backup use of them as Golden Dawn in the present period of the financial crisis – the fascists were always here. It is not a transient formulation, it’s not a deceiving firework and this class memory is enlightening for the perception of tacticism, the causes and the deep understanding of the nature of fascism.

At the same time, as a footnote and in the face of the present political destabilization of the system, the goebbelic propaganda of the mass media is at times leaking information about the danger of a coup. From general Fragos Fragoulis, the underground dark discussions in conspiratorial circles, to the independent seizure of power by Golden Dawn, these “leaks” armour-plate authority and sanitize its mask as a result. Class memory tells us that totalitarian regimes do not always come about through automatic transition, a sudden procedure like we know from the authoritarian choice of restoration or the military coup. That class memory of the radical movement, even concentrated as an allusion, is one of the foundations of the political military formation, organization and counterattack of the rebellious proletariat. Updated for today, it only contributes as a springboard for revolutionary ventures, that connected will hasten the real class war for the complete overthrow of the capitalist movement in Greece. For the class counterattack in this country which, more than any other in Europe, the crisis and its recovery policies have induced the most extreme conditions for impoverishing the people. To the counterattack that will carry along the proletariat of Europe. For the decisive charge that will counterattack foreign and domestic capital, the state and its fascistic para-state. For the breakdown of bourgeois democracy and the financial dictatorship of the markets that it serves.

The unseen civil war of social resistance against the deep state

So let’s come to the history of the contemporary state and its fascistic para-state. Hoping through that in the expansion of social class self-education and the theoretical arming of the radical movement.

The events from the “changing of the guards”, from ’74 until today, the backup battalions, the common secret agents of N.D-PASOKracy that fed CIA member Michaloliakos, the unrepentant chites, the royalists and juntists loosening and tightening the leash to suit the occasion, as well as from the other side with their detached attitude of the left for these “hidden” truths, that got trapped in the parliamentary game, making the diversion from the battle to ideology and the usual chatter about agents are facts, information, data known to the whole political spectrum. Yet, before the murder of Fyssas all of them were acting as if they didn’t know.

Let’s mention the most nodal ones: During the first years of the political changeover, troubled years when people were seeking to get rid of everything from the junta, years of social class war and labour fights inside the factories, the far-right organizations are dozens. With the wounds from junta still fresh, in the 1977 elections the National Deployment of Spyros Thotokis distinguishes itself with 6,82% of the votes. Then the relay race continues with EPEN, with the ex-dictator Georgios Papadopoulos as it’s president. During the 70′s the New Order of D. Nastoulis will take to bombings against athenian cinemas that screened films of “communistic and jewish propaganda”. In 1977 there will be a trial in Greece about the “patriotic actions” that New Order carried out. K. Pleuris and N. Michaloliakos will dry snitch A. Kalentzi complying with the timeless value code of fascists, that of cooperating, from then till now. New Order was an international organization that aspired to be the international of the european fascists. It will “thrive” in Italy as Ordine Nuovo with blind bombings against civilians with many casualties: Piazza Fontana in Milan, in the Italicus train, in the train station of Bolonia. These incidents have been etched in the memory of the italian people as state massacres for the application of the strategy of tension.

At the end of the 70′s the magazine of Golden Dawn appears with explicit nazistic content. It is composed of skinheads and policemen. (Andraskelas and others). On ’84 N. Michaloliakos, who is the son of the veteran land army officer G. Michaloliakos, who took anti-communist action during the occupation and the civil war, gets the call from G. Papadopoulos and leads EPEN. In Caravel Hotel the same year, EPEN organizes a pan-european nazist conference. J.M.Lepen of the French National Frontier participates, M. Boridis attends, who is the parliamentary representative for N.D. today, while it is rumoured that the message from G. Papadopoulos gets conveyed by T. Michalolias, brother of the “furer” with connections to business circles, legal advisor of the Olympiakos FC, and connected today with an important Golden Dawn financier, shipowner Marinakis. He presents pious work as an advocate of Papadopoulos, Koskotas, Efrem, Periandros, Tsochatzopoulos and now his brother.

The convention of Caravel receives an organized attack from anarchists. In ’85 the fascists present themselves as “indignant citizens” outside the occupied School of Chemistry, as usual side by side with the suppression forces. In ’86 Michaloliakos pulls out of EPEN to open the Golden Dawn business again.

Every political person of the system knew and kept quiet. From PA.SO.K and both of the K.K.E.s when they complained about “provocateurs” and “junta’s droplets”, to the N.D. of rangers and centaurs, that skillfully interpreted social conflicts as “left-juntism”, brewing since then the theory of the two extremes.

But let’s come back to the “social” work of N.D.-Golden Dawn. In the beginning of the 90′s and after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the issue of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is butter on G.D.’s bread that shows the same ultra-patriotic line as Samaras, then Foreign minister on Mitsotakis’ government. Just as the arrival of thousands Albanian immigrants after the fall of the Alia regime gives existential reason to their racist reflexes. During the 90s, a decade when neoliberalism rules, all of the governments enjoy the help of the fascists – and of G.D.- in the field of maintaining order and social peace, as they openly aid the task of suppressing uprisings and resistance alongside the riot police as “indignant citizens”: In the students’ rallies in October of ’91, the Polytechnic School uprising in ’95, in the uprising events with the occupation of Pantios and A.S.O.E.E. by anarchists and anti-authoritarians in April ’95 that happened as a response to the stabbing of an anarchist-occupier of a space in Athens by a fascist…

In these first years of the 90s private television had invaded the life of the country. The journalists back then, the same who today are considered acclaimed mouthpieces, ruminate the propaganda that attacks the “provocateur” and the “minority” and defends the “indignant citizens”. An exception, like today, when journalists compete about who is the most “anti-fascist”, will be the November of ’93, after the face of a female high school student gets scared with a swastika and the following massive rally that demonstrates and collides with the forces of suppression. The propaganda speech of the mass media will return to “self-motivated groups” and “gang-war” between fascists and anarchists. In ’98 outside the courts in Euelpidon, A. Androutsopoulos together with Panagiotaros and the known group attack leftists seriously injuring D. Kousouris. Golden Dawn renounces Androutsopoulos (Periandros), in the same way that it renounces Poupakias today.

In 2000 the, now member of parliament, Panagiotaros, partner of the agent Babilis, stabs an occupier in the abdomen outside Villa Amalia. Over the last decades a large part of society has soaked up the racist poison of the mass media. Albanian citizenship has become synonymous with criminality and class inferiority. Their beneficial encounter manifests itself in the nationalistic pogrom against immigrants at the Greece-Albania match with the “official” account of one dead in Zakinthos. The cameras of the olympiad in Omonia Square, where attacks on immigrants took place, “did not work” and the offenders got away.

During all this time the fascists are under the full cover and insurmountable cooperation with the greek police. They operate in a longtime relationship, sometimes as assignees and sometimes with the ambition of their autonomy, but always after orders as a constant para-state mechanism. The assault divisions have been created long ago and count dozens of bulling incidents and nightly stabbing raids. So the state and the para-state, feed each other maintaining and organizing the camp of counter-revolution. Inscription of motos, jeering of strikers, bombings against unsuspecting citizens, praising and giving amnesty to the junta’s participants, reinstatement of talk about “communist-gangs” at Meligalas, slogans at the funeral of Malios, shootings at the funeral of Ntertilis, organizations of the night, brothel houses with Zaroulia as their owner, paramilitary infrastructure, drills of “patriotic” militia sponsored by small businessmen, shipowners, publishers. Over these decades fascists get in and out of their holes, manipulated and controlled by the deep state. Over these decades the only ones that hunted them, that stoked them not letting them raise their heads, closing their offices one after the other(Keffalinias, Solomou, Sokratous) were the anarchists, anti-authoritarians and a few exceptions from the leftists.

The fascists of Golden Dawn, despite what the parliamentarian left says for opposition reasons, are not a product of the crisis. They always existed and enjoyed immunity from the state, but they took full advantage, as is appropriate for a political body, of the system’s political instability, of the depreciation of parliamentarism, but also of the anti-immigration agenda and the poverty the greek people have come to. Spreading lies, creating impressions, grabbing popular support through deceit, they infiltrated the interior of the political system they publicly despised.

Over the last decade the timeline of fascist violence has increased and, especially over the last five years, it has reached a peak. It’s worth everyone making a small retrospective of recent years, soon before the country’s entry into the IMF in the centre of the financial crisis’ vortex, to cite a series of events and evidence that dictate the political strategy of the fascists. The way was paved by their co-fighter Karatzaferis and the “indignant residents” of Agios Panteleimonas encouraged by Markogiannakis. They settled as a state within a state in Agios Panteleimonas and started pogroms against Afghans, Pakistanis and other immigrants under the guise of criminality, with full cover from the local police station. Subsequently the region of Attikis square passes under their control again, by the known tactics of pogroms, beatings, attacks against immigrants’ shops, arson against makeshift mosques etc. Similar events also happened in other neighbourhoods like Kipseli and Pagrati. On February 2008 they attack together with the riot police – even with molotov cocktails – the anarchists who did a counter demonstration of the show at the anniversary of the Imia incident. During all that period they unleashed attacks, together with the riot police, against the occupied Villa Amalias. During the riot of December 2008, at places they were able to (e.g. Patra), they acted for the umpteenth time the role of the “indignants”. On February 2009 the first murder attempt with a hand-grenade takes place in the, at the time, crowded Immigrants’ joint in Exarchia. Next comes the first capitalization of their actions when a few months after the signing of the memorandum at the municipal elections of 2010 Michaloliakos gets elected to Athens’ town council. In 2011 they unleash an extended pogrom against immigrants in the centre of Athens taking advantage of Kantaris’ murder by an Afghan. Let’s not forget the speculative prompt about the Marfin plot, the effort to harvest the un-partied – cross-classes public illbeing and rage during the 10-12 years of social tension, the open sponsorship of the mass media with the frequent black advertisement and the retouching of the “anti-memorandum – anti-systemic” facade of Golden Dawn…

After all this comes the triumphant entrance in the 2012′s elections into the parliament they “despised”, the advertised “charities” with the interrelated “social work” that they did in rations distributions and blood donations exclusively for Greeks, their role in voting anti-labour laws in favour of bankers and shipowners, shipping and construction companies, the golden dawn employment agencies of black labor and the introduction of the 15 euros day pay, the management, the brazen lies, the manipulation of the public and the “anti-star system”. They now walk on a paved road.

The anti-revolution got ahead, armed itself, got organized ideologically and practically. It now attacks with every means and every way.

N.D.-GOLDEN DAWN COMMON STRUGGLE

N.D. won the shaky Syriza in the ’12 elections, creating intimidating dilemmas and having, in the most part, the same agenda as Golden Dawn. Samaras, from the beginning, takes to martial announcements, showing off an iron fist and has taken care to call for the coiling of everyone from the right space. N.D. is represented by – has chosen as it’s communicative vanguard – the ultra-fascists Boridis, Kranidiotis, Georgiadis, Dendias. Defenders of the economic policy and in full agreement are Probopoulos, Daskalopoulos. Appointed and planted transmitter of that policy of the troika, the minister of finances Stournaras.

N.D. starting a war against society with “straight talk” from the suppression of the strike in the steel factory, moved with faith and discipline to tension tactics. With strikers’ enlistments and the abolition of employment gains and rights. It remodeled the suppression conduct from the beginning, it made the legal arsenal flexible once again, it communicated the “order and security” towards the capital, imposing obedience on workers through fear and terror. It went ahead with mass abductions of thousands of immigrants, imprisoning them in guantanamo-like detention centres, suppressing their riots. It went ahead with spectacular reappropriations of occupied resistant structures to “take the hoods off the scum”, demonstrating the intentions of the counter-revolution. It enforced torture on the 15 arrested of the antifascist bike demonstration. It swooped in Skouries like an occupation army, breaking down doors in Ierisso, and it criminalised residents en masse in order to preserve the business interests of ELDORADO GOLD and were at their service for the vindictive retaliation for the residents’ sabotage at the construction site of the company. It got involved both serially and repeatedly with the raid groups of G.D. providing them full cover. It declared the enforcement of the monopoly of the state violence, wanting to state clearly and categorically that it will torture, murder, capture anyone who resists to the modern enslavement they have endorsed.

N.D. is the one that essentially comes to operate the social-class sweatshop. With the middle and lower classes torn apart, the state in bankruptcy, thousands of households in debt, thousands of suicide victims, thousands in the queues for food rations, thousands in the queues of the unemployment agency, with the greek people impoverished and begging. The government imposes the hostility of neoliberalism with the seizure of public and private property. The parties of N.D. and PASOK have already gone down in history as those who betrayed the country, now they will go down as being responsible for the management of impoverishment, the slave status, the handover of the means of production on the basis of the economic zone. N.D. with the fascistic torch lighting up again, governing with legislative acts, with tax-predatory raids and privatization of social goods, deservedly claim the success story according to which by 2014 unemployment will be at 35%, homeless people 40000, shrinking incomes with cuts and taxations of 55%, reaching a decrease in nominal wages by 40%.

We have a formal Golden Dawn and it is called N.D. We have European fascism with Antonis Samaras as the leader. N.D. and golden dawn were cooperating, overlapping and feeding each other from the political changeover until now. Samaras is possessed by delusions. During the vassalage trips he did to political and business circles in America and Israel, he was living his dream, bragging about the dissolution on non-serious pale imitation of fascism. The congratulations he received from the murderers of the international oligarchy are a joke. Stamping on the head of the snake, he is seeking for the invertebrate tale to curl up his leg. He took the great opportunity to give another message of strength, expecting to be congratulated according to his own criteria. Poverty and fascists remain, social life is suffocating, the system is socially de-legitimised and no one is convinced.

Folk wisdom from people from the lower strata that have struggled with the soil, has the knowledge and instinct that in order to kill a snake you crush its head, you behead it and, if you so fancy, you cut it up. But Samaras wants it alive and bound, showing the “evil from which he is protecting us”, and the poverty at the same time. Guarantor at all costs of the normality of the enslavement of labour in a permanent state of emergency.

At the same time, not at the other extreme but in another universe, the opportunistic parliamentary left with the legacy of political prosecutions, the history of revolution and the memory of the struggles from years ago, many decades, with the habit of victimization on the tip of their tongue, confused the call to arms, turning it into a crutch for the peaceful transition to socialism.

The E.U. of Globalization, the E.U. of Totalitarianism.

In this country every authority was always a surrogate. Placed, appointed governors, servants of the foreigners that were carrying out the class exploitation of the plebeian strata, grinding their bayonets on the unruly proletariat. Since the establishment of the nation state, Greece has always been a subordinate of the great powers. Great powers and great ideas. Politically and economically it has never truly belonged to Greeks. Without exception, all political parties were and still are assignees of the Great Powers. National independence was alway a political diversion of the assignee rulers and demagogy for the opposition. The national identity was the trap always used for ensuring peace between classes.

To understand the last 25 years of the political governing of the greek state, we must examine them from inside its political and economic transnational alliances, international correlations and rearrangements. The economic crisis does not concern just Greece and the public debt, it is a weapon of mass destruction in the hands of the banks against the proletariat of a series of debt ridden countries. It’s not just here that the rhetoric about crisis management makes the public state the target, cuts welfare benefits, considers as a necessary evil the existence of a growing population that survives from garbage, considers any social policy harmful.

We have to document some of the basic parametres that have contributed to the totalitarian character that fortress-Europe has acquired over these last decades. The E.U. at the moment of its shipwreck, that our governors want us to be chained to.

From the spectacular fall of the wall in ’89 and after post cold war propaganda, the euro-unionizing blessing is gradually sponsored with the equalization of fascism and communism. It’s in this propaganda of oblivion that in today’s juncture through the program “European memory” “all social institutions that promote the european citizen identity” can take part, subsidized with up to 100,000 euros, like decentralized administrations, municipalities, prefectures, higher educational institutions and technological educational institutions, NGOs, research institutes. Those subsidies don’t care much about educating about the hitlerian monstrosity and in discrepancy with the imperiousness of the stalinist State, they falsify historical circumstances, imposing the monopoly of the European policy.

Coming back to the end of the 80s we observe historical circles trying to revise the history of nazism, with a notable publishing dynamic and a superabundance of articles. Hitler is presented as a “socialist-revolutionist who’s policies were favorable to the working class”. The concentration camps and extermination ovens are propaganda by the winners of the war. That historical revisionism is spreading gradually to the whole of Europe.

At the same time, the fall of the Wall with the fall of the Eastern Block brings on a new restructuring of the classes. The integration of millions of undervalued proletariats that will fuel capitalist production with another lease of life until the explosion of the capitalist crisis.

After the change of the millennium, with the September 11 attack, with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, with the organizing of the globalization of the markets, and millions of people from the bombarded and malnourished capitalist periphery creating immigration caravans, it’s worth pausing on two major points inside Europe: The increase in anti-immigration and anti-terrorism legislation and the armouring of the Europe-fortress that militarizes policing. Biometric systems for recording faces and eye characteristics, surveillance cameras in public spaces. It sets a special control scheme for muslim passengers, it curtails individual rights. The E.U. nations drift gradually into more authoritarian forms of governance and control of their subjects abolishing labor claims.

Anticommunism and the dogma of state terrorism increasingly occupies more space with mass deportations, fences and concentration camps. With an increase in the rate of far-right parties (from Denmark, Belgium, Hungary, Austria, France, Holland, Russia to Italy). Falsifying history from the era between the wars to the ruins of world war II, before the failed unification of the partners and against multiculturalism and the immigration streams from Africa and Asia, fascism comes back guilt free to the old world.

Today, the far-right in Europe, G.D. included, are taking advantage of the translucent dissatisfaction towards the political regime of brokers and bankers, it disorients through its propaganda, it spreads the confusion regarding the causes of the crisis indicating multiculturalism as the cause and essentially directing dissatisfaction to safe for the system paths.

A movement that surfaces constantly against EMU and EU could be the start of a pan-european subversive process, a granted position and the claimed objective for every revolutionary movement. Instead of that, the strengthening of the fascists is guiding this movement, seeking an undisguised state totalitarianism, towards the realization of the european totalitarianism, towards the burying of social resistance and the rise of nationalism.

Historically, nationalism inside every country conspired and forced to a class truce, the subjugation of the lower layers, interclass homogenization of oppressors and oppressed. Nationalism was the ideology of hatred, the fuel of every state for its expansionism. For the first time after the second world war in Europe, a part of the population of third world societies is officially turned into a separate, persecuted, class. The totalitarianism towards which E.U. is heading, even if it pretentiously destroys the swastikas, has annexed the strategics the tactics and the imperiousness of fascism. Only the symbols and colors differ.

The liberatory violence of the people and the violence of the state don’t merge, they collide.

“The state of my country today is hell. The Germans massacre, the security forces massacre, the rebels also massacre. They massacre and set on fire.”

From the opening speech of G.Papandreou in the conference of Lebanon, May 1944.

In these words of G. Papandreou, prime minister of the royal exiled government in M.East, radical enemy of EAM and butcher of the people in the demonstration of EAM in December of 1944, reflects the timeless hypocrisy of the butchers of the people about the “condemnation of violence wherever it comes from”. The baton from the butcher of December ’44 is taken by today’s fascists, with Samaras as the leader, with the phrase “we condemn violence wherever it comes from”. A phrase where victimizers and victims are equated, the oppressors are equated with the oppressed the same way that the “Old Man of Democracy” equated the violence of Germans and traitors, security officers cooperating with them with the violence of the rebels of ELAS. Behind this phrase is the condemnation of the people’s resistance and the support for their violence, state and police violence, the predatory violence, of people enslavement. So, in the same way, Samaras’ government is equating the murder of Paulos Fyssas by goldendawners with the execution of the two goldendawn nazists in N.Iraklio. It equates the criminal action of Golden Dawn with the resisting people of N.E. Halkidiki and the arson of the work site of the gold company in Skouries. In the same way it equates the act of Golden Dawn with the action of anarchists who are the only space that has vigorously dealt with the fascists of Golden Dawn, which fights continuously against the state, against capital’s orders with the massive, violent demonstrations against the memorandums.

To the assimilated by the system of the official left that for years now have been speaking about “provocateurs” and “dark centres of anomaly” and that didn’t deter or resist the colonels’ junta, we respond that the armed fight and the execution of fascists was the standard tactic of the people and the revolutionary movement, as the history of EAM-ELAS and the National Resistance has proven, where, especially in Athens, dozens of Xites and battalion-officers, police officers and members of Special Security who were cooperating with the occupiers were executed by ELAS and OPLA. And of course we shouldn’t forget about the Meligalas. Our patriots fighter ancestors knew how to exterminate fascist traitors. And as for the journalists that talk about how “society froze” after the execution of the two nazi scum, they can just compare the peoples’ reaction after the murder of Fissas, when tens of thousands of people demonstrated in Keratsini, where youths clashed with the riot police and their fascist partners as opposed to absolutely no reaction for the execution of the two goldendawners in N. Iraklio. Even the goldendawners themselves couldn’t bring their people together to organize a demonstration and they contented themselves with gathering a few dozen people at the point of the execution of their two members. Greek people have a historic memory and knowledge about the kind of scum fascists are. People and youth riot and react when their own children are getting murdered, like Grigoropoulos or Fissas and not when fascists and cops are executed.

History has been written with blood and ink. The galloping-imagination’s, historical-distortion’s, deliberate political confusion’s and misleading ideology of the two extremes, despite that it is not a witticism but a continuation of the “left-juntaism”, tends to be defined as the spearhead of the strategy that government follows for the next election and of course, not only for that.

The bourgeois political world, when its foundations are creaking, becomes more conservative, it smells the widespread rage that wants to attack it and takes out its claws, that’s why it’s called to examine the consistency of the constitutional arc, for the consistency of its defense and the alignment of its attack. For throwing its arrows united against every radical facet from underneath. Against every prospect of making the fights and social resistance more radical, against every revolutionary venture that disturbs their law and order, rupturing the invulnerable facade of state.

Their arrows are only targeting the world of resistance. The left, even if it invokes the reasons of the resistance for well known political reasons, it wont hesitate to identify itself with the right, if it sees the foundation of parliamentarism crumbling. The legal elastisity of the constitutional arc ensures the range of the strike towards every distant resistance that doesn’t assimilate, and ensures the precedent for the expansion of the legal arsenal. They convene under their common fear, they arm themselves for their defense, demanding statements of conformity and submission to the system. The citizens of this land will have to state an ideological submission to lawful order. To explicitly renounce every idea that encourages the overthrowal and abolition of the government system. To renounce with abhorrence “violence wherever it comes from” and passively accept the state monopoly on violence and the class terrorism of enslavement.

As a counterargument to perceptions that come mostly from those that renounce their responsibilities and appoint the onslaught of capital to the inherent self-servitude of the society or to those that don’t have a collective consciousness and consequently a revolutionary thought condemning the society collectively as turned fascistic, we depose our objection referring perhaps, to the whole history of humanity. The human in every society had always the need for peace and prosperity. He needed smooth cohabitation, unlike the bourgeois philosophy that treats him from birth as a vicious and competitive being that needs discipline from the Leviathan-state. The conditions that surround us also define social behavior. Economic interests, the “values” of individualism and competition, bourgeois ideas, the state and the masters are timelessly responsible for social ills. Whenever, throughout the centuries, the lives of the people got better, that was a result of the spark that some political subjects lit, some revolutionary entity that took on its responsibilities, that had a collective plan for social transformation, whose words were in solidarity with its acts. Whenever, in history, society breathed and humanity moved a step closer to liberty, it was done through riots, social tremors and liberating processes, it was done through political disobedience and violent social revolution. So in order to live free, the constraints must be broken, in order for the chains to break it takes violence. For the concentration camps to be taken down, the fences, the prisons, it takes violence. For the brothel parliament to be burnt it takes violence that will crush the salaried praetorians or the voluntary protectors of the parliament. For us to get out of the crisis, out of the war they hit us every day with, it takes violence, it takes the respective social-class war.

At the economic circumstance of the occupied survival they have subjected us to, every calming rhetoric, if it is not naive or scaramouch’s, is suspicious. When political opportunists, those with the entrepreneurial phraseology, whatever their cause, whatever obsessive entanglements they have, from whatever deterministic or other criteria their hindrance comes, in the objective circumstances, in the continuous social looting we suffer, when they stem the revolutionary violence, they are essentially advocating the state monopoly on violence, they advocate the violence of the regime, the violence of the state and the para-state. So to get over with the theory of the “two extremes”, the only “extreme” there is is the capitalistic system itself, the violence of the regime, the violence of capital, of the state and of the para-state.

Everyone that speaks of social liberation from the appointed governors and from the economical bleeding they impose – or even the country’s independence from the I.M.F. the E.C.B. and the E.U.-, from the international markets of the plutocracy, which with public debt as a weapon of mass destruction imposed impoverishment, the fast impoverishment of our people, the merciless exploitation of local and foreign workers, the only violence that he must renounce, returning it back of where it comes from, is the antisocial violence of the enemy camp, is the violence of the regime. Is the “moralizing” violence of the mass media, the terrorism they unleash every day in every house. Is the strikebreaking and bulling violence that protects the interests of local and international capital, that opens the way for the sweeping onslaught of neoliberalism. It is the violence of capital’s vanguard, of the fascist para-state against helpless immigrants, against their ideological opponents. The violence of white terrorism and class terrorism against the popular strata.

The extremism that has to be denounced and the violence that has to be returned, are found in the results of the economic policy and their political management. Their violence against a whole population, that is found at the food rations lines of the municipality, of the church or even those of the Golden Dawn. At the queues at the unemployment office, the house foreclosures, the taxes inside the electricity bill and the electrical disconnections. At the over-the-phone threats of the collection agencies, the indebted households, the unpaid monthly payments. At the generic drugs, the closed hospitals, the public crumbling education. At the rise of mortality rates, at those that die slowly and painfully from poverty because they don’t have anything to eat, because they don’t have medicines, because they are cold, because they “go mad”. At the beggars and the homeless that are increasing in numbers and sleeping in the streets. At the pawnshops that have flooded the cities, the modern day black marketeers that people resort to for buying their survival. At the unemployed, like Th. Kanaoutis, that they threw out of public transport because of a ticket, the immigrants that among other forms of persecution, also get thown in mass out of the public transport, inspected and arrested. At the very air we breath, deadly because of the smog that smokes out of more and more houses. At the “suicide victims” that jump from the roofs and those left out of any kind of social life because of poverty. At the closed psychiatric institutions and the rise in mental illnesses. …At the cynicism of the system that rips us off “for our own good”, that murders in cold blood “for our own saving”. This everyday violence, this extremity, is unrivaled and only someone that benefits from it equates it with the violence of the resistance. The world of resistance must take its historical responsibility. To engage in the fight, to inspire and call society to stand up, to revolve. For as long as it stays enslaved, the masters will sharpen their swords and slaughter the bent neck of the poor.

Those that hope and propose the way out of the financial crisis must reverse the war of the bosses. Eroding the class correlation with expropriation and destruction of their riches. To organize at the revolutionary bank. To arm themselves realistically and practically and swoop at a head-on attack. Guerrilla war is the war of the people, is the valuable legacy history has donated us to utilize. Those resisting must outweigh and overcome every opportunistic rhetoric that sustains defeatism and battle avoidance. They must annex and defend the violence that comes from below, from the class that riots to banish classes. They must defend the violence that attacks the modern day fascistic security orders. To return the violence and the terrorism of the class enslavement to the bosses that exploit them. To engage in the social revolution defending their social position, the fight for the liberation from the occupier governments, from the colonial protectorate. As a revolutionary proletariat that takes battle positions in the class counterattack, we owe to radicalize every intermediate fight that emerges, overcoming defusing reflexes. To organize ourselves to resistance, pertaining to the revolutionary direction. With commando attacks to the capitalist symbols, gradually networking and intensifying our assaults through a consistent guerrilla war. Building the battlements and organizing the necessary armories, occupying key positions of power.

In this war we must not be intimidated, not be bent by the expected retaliation and the enemy’s provocation. The civil war started long ago as invisible, with constant flashes that remind us of its presence. The banks are now visible and each of us is asked to take a stand. As a Janissary(5) at the bank of the capital, the state and the fascists or as a revolutionist to the fight that claims, at the expense of his life and his liberty, liberation from the yoke of the multinational plutocracy and the local Kodjabashis(6). Their blood is a minimum response, the only justice the authority of the people.

FIRE AND AXE TO THE FASCISTS

WAR AGAINST THE WAR OF THE MASTERS

 Militant Popular Revolutionary Forces

1

Greek soldiers that cooperated with the Nazis during the occupation of Greece.

2

Xites – a nationalist, anti-communist organisation formed by military officers in 1943 that remained faithful to king George II. The organisation’s aim was to stop EAM (National Liberation Front) taking over power after the war.

3

Meligalas – a well that fascists were thrown into following a battle in Meligalas town, between Greek resistance forces and nationalist security battalions, September 1944.

4

Molon Labe – ‘Come and get them’, the response of King Leonidas to the Persian army after it demanded that the Greeks surrender at the battle of Thermopylae.

5

Jannissary – elite forces of the Ottoman Empire formed of prisoners of war and the children of christians.

6

Kodjabashis – Greeks that cooperated with the Turkish duting the Ottoman occupation on a local level to manage the Rayahs (protectorates).

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