1.
In September 2009 begin the first arrest with the pretext of the “dismantling” of the CCF, inaugurating the method of penalizing personal relations between anarchicsts and distributing arrest warrants like flyers. A tactic aimed at striking not only the CCF, but the whole of the anarchist movement. Essentially, the oppressive mechanisms will use this specific organization as a reason to attack the anarchist movement, spreding fear and insecurity within it.

In October of the same year the Ministry of Public Order will be renamed the Ministry of Citizens Protection. A fact which will awkwardly be interpreted as a self-conscious embellishement. But the timing of this name change is not accidental. The period, that is, that the middle class is abrupty losing its privileges and rights,lowering the substance of the status of citizen to that of a subject. The ministry in question is responsible now for protecting only a small guild of rulers and capitalists who do not want to abandon their privileges.
Within the next few years a lot will change but the most important will be the complete abandoning of the Keynesian model and the transformation of labour from a right into privilege. The authority of Capital is not in a position to offer the middle class dream anything but oppression. The carrots are not even enough for motives any more and only the whip can provide a solution.
The breakout of the crisis, which had been brewing since the end of the 70’s, leads the capital order, in its attempt to preserve its profits, the tactics of crude accumulation and colonial policies even in the interior of the Western World. Since it cannot achieve profits through the Holy Growth, it indulges in looting. Thus, the authority of Capital is militarised. It militarises labour, by conscripting workers. It militarises oppression, using the EKAM (special forces) on significant pretexts. It militarises Justice, applying special laws for the political spaces that resist.
Special laws, which for the time being are applied to the anarchist movement and tomorrow will be applied on to any Brechtian variation. Special laws, that say that it is enough that an anarchist be targeted by the anti-terrorist force in order for them to be found wrapped in hollow but massive indictments.
2.
My prosecution is placed within this political conjuncture. A prosecution based on the statutory of an anarchist and the tactic of penalization of their personal and political relations.
A prosecution which on one hand, that of participation in the CCF, is ‘based’ on my social contact with anarchist comrade and friend Kostas Sakkas. The interesting part is that he himself also denies participation in this specific organization. The antiterrorist also presents me, falsely, offering counter-surveillance measures at Agrinio bus station to another accused for the same case, who, just for history, also denies participation in the organization.
On the other hand, my prosecution cocerns my, by imagination of the anti-terrorism, participation in a robbery of the Alfa bank in Paros and the mortal injury of a citizen who tried to stop the robbers’ escape. A prosecution whose sole evidence is a DNA sample taken from a mobile object (hat) near the bank, evidence that does not mean I was present at the robbery and concerning which I dispute the accuracy of the procedure of collection and analysis of the sample.
On June 10th, therefore, I m called to appear at the 3rd three-member felonies appeals court on Loukareos Street (Athens) accused of participation in the CCF and additionally that as a member of this specific organization I participated in the robbery of Alfa Bank in Paros.
Charges which I denied from the first moment.
Going against heavy charges in a massive indictmentment full of guesses by the antiterrorists about my way of life and completely devoid, of course, of any eveidence.
3.
Trials are not theatrical plaYS. They are however rituals. Rituals, where the authority of Capital replaces what it defines as Justice when it considers that it has been disturbed. Rituals where social associations are crystallized. In this specific trial the stakes, among others, is as much the institutionalisation of the penalization of political spaces and struggles as much as the personal relations of social fighters. The stabilisation of a situation, where whoever resists will be liable to authority non only for their identity as a resister but for all the expressions of their social life. Or otherwise the stabilization of a situation where if someone is an anarchist that alone is a criterion of guilt.
All that will be left is that every friendship between anarchists be characterized as participation and integration in a terrorist organization.